What is Wrong with the Euro?

 

The Euro-Zone Lacks the Characteristics Necessary for a Successful Single Currency Area

The One-Size-Fits All Interest Rate

The European Union's False Assumptions About European Monetary Union

 

 

 

THE EURO-ZONE LACKS THE CHARACTERISTICS NECESSARY FOR A SUCCESSFUL SINGLE CURRENCY AREA.

The euro-zone does not meet the requirements widely recognized by economists as being essential for a single currency area to succeed.  History shows that successful single currency areas are almost invariable nation states such as the United Kingdom and the United States of America.  There are three basic characteristics that need to exist.  

 

1) The differences in competitiveness and living standards between the different regions of the single currency zone need to be reasonably small. This is definitely not the case as there are widely differing levels of economic competitiveness and living standards across the euro-zone: from Germany, the world's third largest economy, with a world financial centre in Frankfurt, down through to countries like Greece and Portugal that are still relatively underdeveloped industrial economies. 

 

2) It needs to be reasonably easy for those without jobs in depressed regions to travel to more prosperous regions to seek work.  Some regions will invariable do better economically than others and unemployed workers in depressed areas need to be able to move reasonably easily to find work in the more prosperous areas.  This can be difficult enough in a country with a common language, culture and legal system.  While it may be relatively easy for the young, highly qualified and multi-lingual to move about Europe it is not going to be a realistic option for most of those who find themselves unemployed in their particular region of the euro-zone.  

 

3) There needs to be sufficient taxation and spending power in the hands of the government of the single currency area to even out disparities to an acceptable extent. Successful single currency areas such as the United Kingdom and the United Stares of America find it necessary to make large budgetary transfers of tax revenues between the regions as subsidies and investments to uncompetitive or disadvantaged regions.   The EU simply does not have sufficient budget to use in an attempt to even out the disparities in economic performance of its member states.  To obtain the necessary taxing and spending powers the EU must become a federal or unitary political state; continental politicians admit this is their goal, only British politicians deny this even though it is happening before our very eyes. 

 

THE ONE-SIZE-FITS-ALL INTEREST RATE

The common interest rate set by the European Central Bank for the Euro-zone is bound to be wrong for at least some if not a majority of member states at any one time.  Too high a rate will restrict spending and growth and too low a rate means runaway inflation.   If the governments and central banks of individual countries find it hard enough to get it right for their economies how can the European Central Bank hope to get it right for twelve different economies?

 

 

THE EUROPEAN UNION'S FALSE ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT EUROPEAN MONETARY UNION.

The EU launched the euro based on a number a false assumptions about European Monetary Union.

 

'EMU works in practice'.   There is no evidence that EMU will work.  All the evidence is that previous EMU type experiments, e.g. the Snake, ERM, is that they did not work and had to be abandoned, and with considerable cost to the participants.  EMU has no escape mechanism; it is an act of faith undertaken for purely political motives.

 

'Lasting economic convergence can be achieved'.  To arrive at the launch of the euro the twelve participating countries agreed to meet the famous 'convergence criteria' of the Maastricht Treaty.  Economic convergence was to be assessed by reference to four criteria: inflation; national budget deficits; being in the ERM narrow band and not devaluing; and the long-term interest rate level.  In fact some countries qualifications were deliberately fiddled and fudged to ensure they made the grade. The unspoken and unwritten assumption is that even if all four criteria could be met by all the participating countries for a brief period of time that such a 'steady state' could then continue inside EMU thereafter.    There are no grounds whatsoever for supposing that this will happen.

 

'Democratic accountability is unimportant'.  The Treaty on European Union in effect says that national parliaments and politicians cannot be trusted to make vital decisions about the economic life of their countries, and that these decisions should be left to central bankers and professional civil servants.  Un-elected bureaucrats have the right to decide a nation's interest rates, exchange rates, money supply, and levels of public expenditure.   The assumption is that they will make a better job of it than elected politicians.  Politicians have their shortcomings but under a democratic system they can be removed and new ones with different policies put in their place - that cannot happen under EMU.

 

'Low unemployment flows from low inflation'.  The primary policy of the European Central Bank is stated over and over again as "price stability", i.e. the pursuit of low inflation, but also to promote,  "sustainable and non-inflationary growth", and  "a high level of employment".   The experience of Britain and most of her European neighbours over the last thirty years is that the pursuit of 'price stability' will lead to higher levels of unemployment.  There is a clear correlation between high unemployment and low inflation.  High inflation rates are not good for an economy but a balance has to be struck between the rate of inflation and the rate of unemployment.  EMU has been set up to have an overwhelmingly deflationary bias. 

 

'Monetary policy can control inflation'.  The European Central Bank can influence only one area of the total economic process, the money supply and interest rates.  The central bank has only limited influence on the major income flows in the economy which are generated by the state and collective bargaining and which causally determine inflation.  Historically high inflation in the UK has not been only, or even mainly, the result of lax monetary policy.  The ECB  has enshrined in the treaty which set it up the pursuit of an economic indicator over which is has no control as such, but in pursuit of which it may cause untold damage to employment, growth and investment.

 

'Fixed exchange rates are better than floating exchange rates'.  Britain's experience in the twentieth century has been that fixing or managing sterling against gold or a foreign currency has damaged the real economy: The Gold Standard, the Bretton Woods Agreement, The Sterling Area, the unofficial Deutschmark peg, and the ERM have all demonstrated this.   The effect has been that for most of this century Britain has had to hold interest rates higher than has been necessary or desirable.  Flexible exchange rates enable economies to adjust smoothly to the uncertainties and changes that affect them.  The fixed exchange rate in the euro-zone is a triumph of hope over experience, unsupported by any evidence that the consequences for European economies, singly or together, will be beneficial.

 

'Independent banks work better than dependent banks'.   The European Central Bank is  'independent'  and the assumption is that independent banks are always better than 'dependent' banks.  The evidence for this is inconclusive.  It makes far more sense that the head of an independent national bank should be ultimately answerable to the government or parliament of an individual country and economy as a check and balance. The Bank of England is now 'independent' but holds its license from Parliament. The ECB is independent of all the governments of EMU members states but the balance of probabilities is that the ECB will implement its policies very much with an eye on the requirements of the two biggest economies in the euro-zone: Germany and France.  Where then will its 'independence' be in regard to the needs of the smaller economies?  

 

 

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